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OF THE 




DEMOCRATIC WHIG 


ASSOCIATION 


OP THE 


CITY AND COUNTY OF PHILADELPHIA, 


TO THE 


PEOPLE OF PENNSYLVANIA. 


April, 1839 . 



Co PHILADELPHIA: 

PRINTED FOR THE ASSOCIATION. 


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A D D R E S S 

TO THE PEOPLE OF PENNSYLVANIA. 


Fellow Citizens : 

A portion of the Whigs of the city and county of Phi¬ 
ladelphia, having formed themselves into an association 
under the name of “The Democratic Whig Association 
of the city and county of Philadelphia,” deem it a duty they 
owe to themselves and to you, to address you on the pre¬ 
sent state of the political affairs of the country, and to 
make some suggestions in regard to our future course. 

The objects proposed by the formation of the associa- 
ciation are declared in the constitution to be, “ to promote 
the union, harmony, and success of the Whig party, as 
based upon the principles which have heretofore distin¬ 
guished that party ; to preserve its integrity, and to aid 
the election of such individuals as shall be nominated by 
a Whig National Convention, fairly constituted, as candi¬ 
dates for President and Vice President.” 

Of the distinguished men who have been presented to 
us as candidates for President, we unhesitatingly declare 
our preference for Henry Clay. 

We consider the present as an important period in our 
public affairs, and upon the course taken by those opposed 
to the administration much that concerns the future cha¬ 
racter and prosperity of the country will depend. With 
union and concert among ourselves, much good may be 
accomplished ; but without these we can do nothing. A 
brief glance at the past will show the position we occupy, 
the evils against which we have had to contend, and the 
dangers that still threaten our country. 

A 




It must be known to every one who takes an interest 
in political affairs, that Mr. Adams was opposed and de¬ 
feated, and General Jackson supported and elected, 
chiefly on the following grounds : 

1st. That the former had given latitudinarian construc¬ 
tions to ihe constitution, and had exercised a more en¬ 
larged power than the framers of that instrument had in¬ 
tended to clothe the executive with. 

2d. That the expenses of the government were profuse 
and extravagant. 

3d. That those employed in the public offices at Wash¬ 
ington, and in the various Custom Houses, were unneces¬ 
sarily numerous, and mere drones, who eat up the sub¬ 
stance of the people. 

4th. That the President ought not to hold his office for 
more than one term. 

5th. That members of Congress should not be appoint¬ 
ed to office by the Executive during the term for which 
they were elected, and for two years thereafter. 

6th. That the latter would, if elected, destroy the mon¬ 
ster, party, and unite all parties in the bonds of unity. 
That he would be the President of the nation, and not 
the mere head of a party.^ 

It will also be recollected that General Jackson in his 
inaugural address, directly charged his predecessor with 
“ those abuses which had brought the patronage of the 
Federal Government into conflict with the freedom of 
elections and the reformation of these alledged abuses, 
he declared to be “ inscribed upon the list of executive 
duties, in characters too legible to be overlooked.” 

“ Retrenchment and Reform^’ were emblazoned upon 
the banner of the opposition. The people were assured 
and believed, that General Jackson, if elected, would re¬ 
duce the public expenses, and introduce a system of rigid 
accountability into the government; “that his administra- 


* See Appendix A. 


tion would be regulated by the noblest maxims of politi¬ 
cal philosophy ; that his position would be independent; 
his deportment dignified ; his measures open, vigorous, 
and patriotic; that the patronage in his hands would be 
regarded as a deposit for the common benefit, not as an 
instrument for his own re-election, or to secure the as¬ 
cendency of any faction or party ; that his knowledge of 
men would enable him to select the wisest counsellors, 
and his practical sagacity to decide with promptitude be¬ 
tween conflicting opinions; and above all, that being 
solemnly impressed with the influences which the re-el¬ 
ection of a President had already exerted upon the inter¬ 
ests of the people, and upon the independence of the Le¬ 
gislature, he would set an example of disinterested pa¬ 
triotism, worthy of all praise and calling for universal imi¬ 
tation, by retiring to private life at the end of his first 
term.” 

His election therefore, was looked to by many, as a 
remedy for all the imaginary evils that beset the coun¬ 
try, and his administration, it was believed, would be a 
glorious era in her annals. Such was the state of feeling 
among the American people, which wafted the military 
chieftain into office upon the mountain-wave of populari¬ 
ty. No man, Washington excepted, ever enjoyed so large 
a share of the confidence and devotion of his fellow citi¬ 
zens ; and no man ever had a more favorable opportunity 
of rendering lasting]services to his country and securing 
the admiration of posterity. How the bright anticipations 
of,the people werejrealized, history will record.* 

Scarcely had the result of the election been made 
known, when it was announced in the acknowledged 
organ of the President elect, that he would adopt the po¬ 
licy of rewarding\his friends and punishing his enemies ! 
and as this declaration was made under the eye of Gen. 
Jackson, and the sentiment was not disavowed by him, 


See Appendix B. 


there could be no doubtthat it was published “by authori¬ 
ty.” Contrary to the sentiments expressed in his celebrated 
letter to Mr. Monroe, and applauded by the whole nation, 
advising him to “ destroy the monster party,” by selecting 
the best men for office without reference to their political 
creeds, it was now apparent that the President had de¬ 
termined to confer office upon none but his own partisans, 
and that the claims of every man to favor, were to be 
graduated by the ardor with which he had supported his 
election. 

The extraordinary spectacle was presented for the first 
time to the American people, of a universal proscription 
for opinion’s sake.* “ Talents, knowledge, experience in 
public business, were no longer recommendations to 
office. Personal devotion alone, to the President, activity 
in promoting the schemes of his favorites, and a readiness 
to adopt his views and opinions on all subjects without 
scruple or hesitancy, were the qualities that secured his 
confidence,” and were rewarded with posts of honor and 
profit. That we are justified in using this language, will 
appear by the following extract from a leading Journal,t 
not less distinguished for its zealous support of General 
Jackson and his administration, than for its bitter hostility 
to the Whig party and Conservative principles. “ Another 
system of measures,” says this paper, in a momentary fit 
of honest indignation, “ pursued by the Administration, 
which has tended greatly to discredit it in the popular 
mind, is the appointments to office—Me systematized 
adoption of partizanship as a basis of promotion. It is 
not to be disguised that this originated with General Jack- 
son. It was unquestionably the greatest fault in his cha¬ 
racter, that he was too liable to be biased by his personal 
attachments. A trait that would be admirable in private 
life became dangerous in a public station. 

“He made it a rule to provide for friends, and it was 


* See Appendix C. 


t The N. Y. Ev. Post. 


impossible for a man in his situation to discriminate as to 
the motives of that friendship. The result was, that the 
most sordid personal motives were in many cases con¬ 
sidered as but devotion to the true interests of the coun¬ 
try, and rewarded accordingly. It very shortly became 
a maxim to reward partisans by lucrative and honorable 
offices, and in an ill-omened hour it was declared that ‘ to 
the victors belong the spoils’— an adage fraught with cor- 
ruption and abuse to an extent that defies calculation. 
This is strong language; but it is the language of plain, 
unvarnished, honest truth?"^ 

Foremost among the recipients of Executive bounty 
were a large number of members of Congress, whose ap¬ 
pointments to office by the President, General Jackson had 
declared, while a candidate, to be fraught with danger to 
the country, and if persisted in, “corruption would become 
the order of the day.” As if determined to fulfil his own 
prophecy, he now carried the “ practice” which he had so 
severely condemned, to a much greater extent than had 
ever before been done.* The effect was soon manifested 
in the compliant disposition of a very large portion of his 
partisans in that body, and the slavish subserviency which 
they exhibited. It gives us pain to be compelled to speak 
thus of any portion of the representatives of the people, 
for we feel, deeply, the stain which their degradation in¬ 
flicted upon the nation’s character; and we therefore turn 
from them with sincere pleasure to bear testimony to the 
manly and determined resistance which another portion 
of Congress maintained against the encroachments of the 
President. 

It was early announced by the President, that his ad¬ 
ministration must be a unit: which implied that there 
must be but one mind and one voice in his cabinet; and it 
was intimated too clearly to be misunderstood, whose 
mind and whose voice that must be. The principle thus 


* See Appendix D. 


proclaimed was exemplified in the declaration, made on 
an occasion long to be remembered, I take the respon- 
sibilty —it was the principle which has in all ages been 
acted on by tyrants and despots, and which was avow¬ 
ed by a Frederick of Prussia, a Louis XIV., and a J^apo- 
leon, when in the full career of absolute authority. It is 
the principle which the framers of our Constitution en¬ 
deavored most strenuously to exclude and guard against, 
as the very antagonist of liberty and the sovereignty of 
the people. 

To the honor of many who were elected to Congress 
as the friends of the Administration, be it remembered, 
that seeing the President surrounded by a band of syco¬ 
phants as avaricious and venal as they were servile and 
insolent,—and feeling the galling and degrading nature 
of that system of party discipline which sought to con¬ 
centrate all power in the hands of the Executive, and to 
convert the representatives of the people into mere in¬ 
struments to execute his arbitrary will, they had the in¬ 
dependence to maintain the dignity of their stations, and 
resist every attempt to harness them to the car of a 
chief—to put a bridle in their mouths, or a collar upon 
their necks—even with the full knowledge that they 
would be denounced as recreant to the party, and call 
down upon their heads the vengeance of those who were 
restrained by no regard for truth, and never forgave one 
who had refused to submit to their dictation, or had ex¬ 
posed their base and selfish designs. 

To counteract the independent action of Congress, the 
veto was resorted to ; but when this extraordinary power 
was insufficient, bills which had passed both houses by 
large majorities, and which were called for by the public 
interests, were smothered in the pocket of the President, 
who did not even condescend to favor Congress with his 
objections, or give a reason for the unprecedented and 
unconstitutional act of retaining them. To sustain him¬ 
self in these usurpations and acts of arbitrary power, ap- 


peals were made to the people couched in terms of min¬ 
gled flattery, falsehood, and sophistry ; and their aid in¬ 
voked against their own representatives and honest ser¬ 
vants. Upon such as had been found too patriotic to be 
tempted by promises of office, and too firm and indepen¬ 
dent to be terrified or moved by threats of Executive 
vengeance, torrents of the grossest calumny were poured 
through the columns of a paper which fattened upon the 
crumbs of patronage that fell in profuse abundance from 
the Executive table, and which disseminated its poison 
under the cover of official franks, through the whole 
extent of our wide-spread country.* 

It is to be regretted that the appeals thus made, and 
the falsehood and viturpation thus disseminated, were but 
too effectual in their operation upon the minds of the 
people, who, confiding in the honesty and patriotism of 
one who had rendered signal services to his country, and 
nourishing in their bosoms those grateful emotions which 
did honor to their generous nature, could not be persua¬ 
ded that such a man—one, too, who professed to act for 
Iheir good and for tlie sole benefit of the country, 
act so inconsistently with the principles he had professed, 
and the solemn promises he had made while a candidate, 
and in his inaugural address. They, therefore, not un- 
frequently pronounced sentence of disapprobation upon 
those who would gladly have sustained the President in 
all his measures, could they have done so without doing 
violence to their own conviction of right and duty to their 
country. 'Unfortunately, the people could not seefthe 
corruption and venality which the situation of their re¬ 
presentatives brought them in contact with, nor feel the 
galling nature of that party discipline, which sought^to 
convert them into subservient partisans of the chief ma¬ 
gistrate. 

But the president and his cabinet improper, did not con- 

♦ See Appendix E. 


tent themselves with thus appealing to the people, and 
scattering the poison of calumny among them. More 
effectual means were resorted to to ensure the de¬ 
feat of such as had become obnoxious by their independ¬ 
ence, and insure the election of men more pliant and 
tractable. In every part of the country the officers of 
the federal government were required to interfere in the 
popular elections; and the custom houses, the land of¬ 
fices, the post offices, the marslial’s offices, and the head 
quarters of government contractors, were converted into 
electioneering bureaus, by whiclx means the direct influ¬ 
ence of the government was exerted and felt in every 
city, town, village, and neighborhood, and even along the 
high-ways wherever a mail was carried for the accommo¬ 
dation of the public. Thus were the abuses which had 
brought the patronage of the federal government in con¬ 
flict with the freedom of elections” reformed by him who 
had falsely charged these abuses upon his predecessor ! 

If this interference of executive agents and depend¬ 
ants in popular elections has given just cause for serious 
apprehension to those who believe it to be fraught with 
danger to the liberties of the country, how much more 
reason have they for alarm when they see a committee 
of the senate of the United States, headed by a former 
governor of one of the states, not only deliberately 
sanctioning, in a solemn report to that body, this intefe- 
rence in elections, but enjoining it as a duty ! This act 
brings to our recollection with painful vividness that pe¬ 
riod in the history of Rome, when the Senate, once the 
most august body in the world, and before which kings 
bowed in submission, had become the sport of military 
chieftains, and the submissive instrument to record her 
own degradation and sanction the grossest indignities 
upon herself and the people. And we cannot but remem¬ 
ber that not until the senate had lost its independence 
and self-respect; not until the members had become the 


panders of the ambitious and the apologists of usurpers, 
who trampled upon the rights of the p)eople, did the an¬ 
cient Republic bow her head beneath the sceptre of a ty¬ 
rant, and wear the shackles of servitude. 

Another striking illustration of the sincerity of those 
promises which the president had ostentatiously made 
while a candidate, of “ retrenchmenV^ in the expenditures 
of the government, is exhibited in the simple fact, that 
during Mr. Adams’ administration those expenditures 
never exceeded thirteen milliom of dollars a year, while 
under his economical successors they have swelled up 
to the sum of forty millions of dollars per annum ! 

’ Under General Washington and his successors down 
to General Jackson, the instance of an individual accu¬ 
mulating wealth from the emoluments of office was never 
known ; but during the two succeeding administrations, 
office-holders have been more fortunate, and it is now by 
no means uncommon to see tliem not only enjoying com¬ 
petence, but amassing large fortunes. We pretend not 
to explain the reason of this, but the fact cannot be de¬ 
nied. Perhaps the developments of the numerous and 
extensive defalcations which have come to light from 
time to time, and especially within a few months past, 
may throw some light upon this dark subject, and en¬ 
able us to understand how office-holders have been able 
to maintain a style of living, better comporting with 
the splendor of nobility, than with the simplicity which be¬ 
comes “democrats,” by profession, and which is so far 
above the reach of the great mass of the people.* 

We will not dwell upon the enormity of these defalca¬ 
tions by public officers. It is enough to say that under 
Mr. Adams but a single one, to the amount of less than 
four thousand dollars, occurred ; while under his success¬ 
ors, they have amounted to hundreds of cases, and to 
millions of dollars ! The first called forth a burst of in- 

a2 


•See appendix F. 


[ 10 3 

dignation from the people, while the latter, enormous as 
they are, scarcely excite a single remark, and are look¬ 
ed upon with apathy and unconcern.* 

The space allotted to this address will not permit us to 
notice in detail the various acts of the late president and 
of his successor, which should excite the alarm of the 
people. We cannot comment upon the breaking up of 
the first cabinet of General Jackson, nor portray the dis¬ 
graceful and humiliating causes which led to the dismiss¬ 
al of men from his councils, in whose integrity and ta¬ 
lents the nation reposed confidence, and the appointment 
of men in their places in whom the public had no confi¬ 
dence, and who were content to become less than cy¬ 
phers that the administration might remain a unit ! We 
must forbear to speak of the disastrous war upon the com¬ 
mercial and other interests of the country; of the ruinous 
“ experiments” upon the currency ; of the golden hum¬ 
bug, with whose dazzling rays the people were for a time 
completely blinded ; of the solicitation of the president 
to be nominated for office a second time, contrary to his 
express declaration when a candidate, that he vmuld hold 
it but for a single term; of his retaining men in office 
whose characters were infamous, and whose nomination 
had been rejected in the senate by the votes of his own 
partisans; of his dismissing a secretary of the treasury 
for refusing to violate his duty to the country; of his 
choosing his successor, and securing his nomination and 
election by means of the public patronage; and many 
other acts of a like character, all of which we doubt not 
are engraven on the tablet of your memories in charac¬ 
ters deep and lasting. 

We might speak of the repeated attempts of Mr. Van 
Buren to force upon the country, in violation of the will 
of the people, often and clearly expressed, the Sub- 
Treasury Scheme, by which the public funds would be 


'♦See appendix G. 


C 11 ] 

distributed for safe keeping among some hundreds of 
avaricious office-holders, whose party zeal would thus be 
stimulated to the highest pitch, and whose cupidity might 
tempt them to appropriate a large portion of the public 
funds to their own use, and then “ follow in the footsteps 
of their illustrious predecessors,” who have sought 
security in a foreign land. But this is too fresh in your 
minds to need comment. 

Among the schemes resorted to by the party in pow¬ 
er to excite the prejudices of the people against their op¬ 
ponents, and by that means secure their support of them¬ 
selves, two are most prominent and deserve remark. 
We allude to the attempt to excite the hostility of the 
poor against the rich—to create distinctions between 
different classes of society where no distinction exists; 
and the application to us of a name which designates 
a party no longer in existence. 

The first could only have originated with men void of 
every honorable feeling, regardless of the welfare and 
the peace of the community, and bent on the accom¬ 
plishment of their own base purposes, at whatever cost 
to society. He who can be guilty of a deliberate attempt 
to sow the seeds of discord, envy and hatred between 
countrymen, friends, and neighbors, deserves the execra¬ 
tions of every honest man. “ The most striking and ho¬ 
norable distinction of this country is to be found in the 
intelligence, character, and condition o' the great work¬ 
ing classand if a line is to be drawn between different 
portions of our citizens so as to separate them into dis¬ 
tinct classes, we know not between whom it could be 
drawn with more propriety than this honest and intelli« 
gent working class on the one hand, and the selfish and 
corrupt supporters of power on the other. 

It is the latter who raise the cry of hostility between 
the poor and the rich ; it is they who are at war with all 
wealth, all honesty, all virtue, all religion, all law, and all 


C 12 ] 

independence. Who are the rich 1 In nine cases out of 
ten they are those who began the world with nothing; 
who have saved the hard earnings of a laborious life, and 
may be poor to-morrow. Who are the poor ? Generally 
those who are toiling to acquire competence and wealth, 
and will, ere long, be ranked among the rich :—they 
are such, too, as prefer idleness to comfort, and are con- 
tent-to grovel in ignorance, choosing to squander their 
earnings in drunkenness rather than to improve their own 
condition and educate their children. The road to fortune 
is open to all alike ; but her favors can only be won by 
industry, frugality, prudence, temperance, and assiduous 
attention. From those who thus seek her favors she 
seldom withholds them. 

Wealth is the daughter of industry and economy, and 
the prolific mother of enterprise and improvement. What 
is it that sets in motion the numerous manufactories of 
our country, and gives profitable employment to millions 
of industrious individuals of both sexes 1 What is it 
which whitens every sea with our commerce, and tempts 
the hardy mariner to make his home upon the deep ? 
What is it which builds up our towns and cities, and 
adorns our dwellings with the beautiful works of art 1 
What is it which collects upon our tables the various pro¬ 
ductions of opposite portions of the globe—productions 
which have become necessaries of life, and are enjoyed 
by every class of people ] What is it which levels moun¬ 
tains, fills up vallies, and forms an iron road over which 
we are now carried with the speed of the wind—bring¬ 
ing distant cities almost in contact with each other by 
the annihilation of time and space 1 What is it but indus¬ 
try and enterprise sustained and stimulated by individual 
wealth ] 

He who counsels hostility against wealth, is an enemy 
to his race—^he is an enemy to every man who desires 
to Improve his condition, and partake of the bounties of 


[ 13 ] 


Providence ;—he is an enemy to his own children, for in 
this country the poor are the fathers of the rich. The 
hardy sons of toil and poverty—those who earn and 
save—are those who accumulate and enjoy. He who 
would undermine the security of property and declare 
war against capital, would arrest the march of improve¬ 
ment and of mind; lay an embargo upon every ship in 
port; stop the busy wheels of industry; put out the 
fires of the forge and of the steam engine; shut up the 
shop of every mechanic, and, finally, transform civilized 
nations into hordes of savages, and countries glittering 
in the sunlight of improvement, into dark and dismal fo¬ 
rests. Let no such man be trusted. Beware of him. 

It is a singular fact, and worthy of remark, that the 
very men who excite this feeling of hostility between the 
rich and the poor, and who use it as a means of promot¬ 
ing the success of their party, are those who have risen 
from poverty to wealth, by industry and economy, or by 
adventitious circumstances, and who are enjoying all the 
luxuries which riches can procure. General Jackson was 
once a poor man; so was Mr. Van Buren; and so were many 
of those who now fill important stations and exer¬ 
cise an unbounded influence over the party in power, 
and who have acquired ample fortunes, by means of 
office and patronage. 

The other scheme to which we alluded, is almost too 
pitiful to deserve remark; nevertheless, as it has un¬ 
doubtedly operated strongly upon the minds of those who 
have not discriminating or just veiws of men and the 
nature and tendency of political measures, and on whose 
prejudices demagogues place much greater reliance than 
on their reason and intelligence, we cannot pass it by 
without notice. How inapplicable the name'applied by 
these to the Whig party is, will appear from the well 
known and indisputable fact, that a very large number of 
those who were ultra Federalists when that party exist¬ 
ed, are now the most prominent and ac . 


[ 14 ] 

the party which arrogates to itself the exclusive title of 
“democratic,? though its principles and policy are far from 
being such; and it is these same individuals who now 
apply their former name as an epithet of reproach to the 
opponents of abitrary power. Could we look into the 
recesses of their hearts, and lay open to the world their 
inmost feelings, we doubt not they would be found to be 
precisely what they were when some of them made it 
their boast that “ not a drop of democratic blood ever ran 
in their veins and declared, that “ if they could believe 
a single particle then flowed in them, they would let it 
out.” 

But namesy though from the earliest ages they have 
been assumed to hide unhallowed purposes and to lull 
suspicion, are in themselves nothing— principles and 
actions every thing. Those who aim at the acquisition 
of power and dominion, assume not the bearing of one 
having already attained that power ; but take the name, 
and put on the meek and lowly demeanor of a friend of 
the people. An absolute government may be disguised 
under the name and/orm^ of a republic, as in the case of 
Rome under Augustus Caesar, who, though he ruled with 
a sway as despotic as if he had worn the diadem and 
borne the title of Emperor, contented himself with the 
unassuming title of Consul, and reconciled the people to 
despotism by permitting them to enjoy the semblance 
of a senate and the name of a republic. So also in the 
case of France, under the Consul Bonaparte, who ruled 
her with a despotism not less absolute, as republican 
France, and Citizen Consul, than he did as Imperial 
France, and Emperor Napoleon. 

It is, in most cases, from the Executive branch of the 
government that the people have the greatest reason to 
fear an encroachment upon their liberties and an abridg¬ 
ment of their rights. Power has in itself a tendency to 
steal from the many to the few, and to accumulate where 
it is already possessed. In the hands of a single indi- 


[ 15 ] 


vidual, it can rapidly increase itself; for it can act unper¬ 
ceived and upon false pretences. To the avaricious it can 
promise wealth; to the ambitious, distinction; to the 
soldier, glory; to the statesman, an opportunity to serve 
his country ; to the people, peace and prosperity. But 
let the patriot and lover of liberty beware, lest wdiile all 
these promises are made, and perhaps faithfully fulfilled, 
this same power, which has appeared to be only busy in 
promoting the public good, is not at work elsewhere, un¬ 
dermining the liberties of the people, and weaving around 
them the shackles of despotism. 

In reviewing the measures and the policy of the late 
and present administrations, the conviction is forced upon 
us, that their tendency has been to accumulate power in 
the hands of the Executive, to foster a sordid and slavish 
feeling among that class known under the general appel¬ 
lation of politicians ; to disseminate a universal love of 
office ; to lull the watchful jealousy of the people ; to ex¬ 
cite a spirit of animosity among different portions of the 
community ; to cause the President rather than Congress 
to be looked upon as “The Government;” and finally, 
to lower the standard of political morals in this country, 
and to cause the people to look upon things as justifiable 
or excusable, which would once have called forth an ex¬ 
pression of astonishment, indignation, and severe repre¬ 
hension. 

If we admit, as we must, that virtue, public and pri¬ 
vate, intelligence, and a watchful jealousy of those [in 
power, are the only means by which a free government 
can be perpetuated, a review of the political history of 
our country for the last ten years, is calculated to excite 
the just apprehensions of every patriot, and to call forth 
all his exertions to check the downward tendency of her 
political morals. It must show that the people have in a 
great degree lost sight of, and almost forgotten the great 
principles upon which our government is founded, and 
which must be guarded and cherished, if we would pre- 


C 16 ] 

serve the beautiful superstructure erected by our fathers. 
That they are divided rather by names than principles, 
and are ready to destroy each other, they know not 
wherefore. Devotion to men has superseded devotion to 
the public good, and victory over an opposing party has 
become an object of such vast importance as to be ob¬ 
tained by the prostration of all law and order, and even 
by incurring the guilt oiperjury ! Can a community long 
maintain even the semblance of liberty, in which the most 
sacred obligations are held as nothing, when standing in 
the way of political victory, and where a resort to tricks 
and practices the most criminal and dishonorable are 
looked upon by the people, not only as things of course, 
but as justifiable—nay, commendable ] If so, then will 
this nation be an exception to all others whose liberties 
have been undermined by that corruption, which, when 
once it seizes upon the people, spreads abroad over the 
whole land, “ like a pestilence that walketh in darkness.” 

The party which has held in its hands the destinies of 
this county for the last ten years, is strictly a personal 
party. Its founder and chief was General Jackson, and 
until he left the presidential chair in which he placed the 
present incumbent, it bore his name, and no other. It 
was the Jackson party, and could lay claim to no creed 
of political faith other than the opinions which he chose 
to promulgate from time to time, which varied with al¬ 
most every changing moon, and as frequently conflicted 
with, and contradicted each other. Whether a man were 
a federalist or a democrat, a republican or an aristocrat, 
a monarchist or a jacobin, it mattered not; if he were a 
Jacksonman—if he acknowledged the supremacy of this 
political Pontiff, he was acknowledged as one belonging 
to the household of faith, and received with open arms. 

The same party is now the Van Buren Party. Like 
the devoted clans of the Highlands of Scotland, it takes 
its^name from its chief, and it knows no allegiance but 
allegiance to him. On the accession of the present chief, 


c n ] 

however, he deemed it politic to christen the party anew, 
and selected the name of Democratic,'''' as the most 
popular with the people, and likely to enlist their preju¬ 
dices in its favor. With such as have not intelligence and 
discrimination enough to perceive the difference between 
names and;?rmc//?Ze5 —professions and actions — 
this trick may may be successful. But with those who 
are aware that a man who assumes the garb of sanctity 
may be guilty of the most heinous crimes, and one who 
professes to be a democrat may harbor designs upon the 
liberties of his country, no name will be considered as a 
sufficient pledge of principles. 

Opposed to this party, is that with which it is our pride 
to be associated; and which had its origin in the opposi¬ 
tion which was made to the high handed and unconsti¬ 
tutional measures of General Jackson. Those who saw 
that the inevitable tendency of those measures and of his 
general policy was to consolidate the Government, to 
trample upon the rights of the States, to destroy individual 
independence, to prostrate political morals, and to rally 
around him a party dependent solely upon himself and 
ready to obey his will as the supreme law,—ral¬ 
lied under the name of Whigs, a name hallowed by the 
recollections of our Revolutionary struggle, and indicating 
the opponents of arbitrary power and the advocates of 
popular rights. The principles which form the basis of 
this party, and the bond of its union, are as broad and ex¬ 
panded as the great interests of the country and the Con¬ 
stitution itself. The first and chief is, the preservation 
of those inestimable rights of self-government and of 
civil liberty, which were secured and handed down to us 
by our fathers, and which we are bound lo transmit un¬ 
impaired to our posterity. As the means of doing this, 
we must preserve the integrity of the Constitution and of 
the Union, and restrain each department of the govern¬ 
ment, Executive, Legislative and Judicial, within the 
sphere of its own legitimate and unquestioned powers. 


C 18 ] 

We hold that the will of the people is the source, and their 
welfare the object of all legitimate authority. We desire 
to elevate the people by means of education and by ele¬ 
vating the standard of morals : And we are opposed to 
all inference of Federal officers in popular elections, and 
in favor of placing the funds of the government under 
the exclusive control of Congress, or of an officer to be 
elected by, and accountable to, that body for the faithful 
discharge of his trust. 

To reform the various abuses which we have enume¬ 
rated ; to restore the country to its former sound and 
healthful moral condition; to destroy “the monster 
party,” or at least to mitigate the violence of party spirit; 
to restore mutual confidence and good feeling among our 
citizens ; to arrest the frauds and peculations of public 
officers ; to establish an administration that shall devote 
its energies honestly and heartily to the work of reform;— 
these are the great objects the Whig party has in view 
and proposes to accomplish, and in which we invite the 
co-operation of every friend of his country. 

But we shall hope in vain to accomplish these objects 
unless the people will think and act for themselves. If 
they will listen to the flatteries, the calumnies, and the 
falsehoods of demagogues, and turn a deaf ear to those 
who would give them good and wholesome counsel; if 
they will yield themselves up willing tools to men 
whose only object is to use them either to get possession 
of or retain “ the spoils of office if they will suffer them¬ 
selves to be led about, this way or that way, by any one 
who chooses to beat the drum of democracy^ and follow 
after an empty sound, instead of acting independently 
as becomes men and freemen ,—all expectation of re¬ 
forming the gross abuses which prevail in every part of 
the country, and of purging the government of the corrup¬ 
tion with which it has become polluted, will be illusory 
and deceptive. Until the people can be made to see the 
fatal consequences of permitting this political cancer, 


C 19 ] 


which has already made its appearance, to take deeper 
and deeper root, and spread more and more over the 
body politic, it is in vain to expect their aid in eradicating 
the fatal disease, and restoring the healthful condition of 
the country. Every thing rests with them, though no 
exertions, arguments, or persuasions should be omitted, 
to induce them to unite heart and hand in the great work. 

To the American people we would say, in the strong 
and energetic language of an apostle of liberty—“ If, 
after achievements so magnanimous, ye basely fall off 
from your duty, if ye are guilty of any thing unworthy of 
you, be assured posterity will speak, and thus pronounce 
its judgment: The foundation was strongly laid, the be¬ 
ginning, nay, more than the beginning was excellent; 
but it will be inquired, not without a disturbed emotion, 
who raised the superstructure, who completed the fabric ! 
To undertakings so grand, to virtues so noble, it will be a 
subject of grief that perseverance was wanting^ We 
earnestly pray that posterity may not have occasion thus 
to speak of us. 

Those who engage with us in this great and noble 
work, cannot fail to be inspired with zeal and confidence, 
when they look around and see in how many States our 
cause now triumphs, in some of which, but a short time 
since the advocates of power and licentiousness could 
count on large majorities. In Massachusetts, Rhode 
Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New York, New Jersey, 
Delaware, North Carolina, Georgia, Tennessee, Louisia¬ 
na, Kentucky, and Indiana, we have decided majorities; 
and in Maryland, Virginia, Illinois, Ohio, Michigan and 
Mississippi, we have little doubt but “ the sober second 
thoughts of the people,” will show that they too are de¬ 
sirous to be ranked among the friends of reform. 

We repeat, that if we would ensure the success of our 
cause, we must disseminate correct information among 
the people—we must disabuse their minds of the thou¬ 
sand errors and falsehoods which have been infused into 


C 20 ] 

them—we must gain their confidence by convincing them 
that we deserve it; we must explain to them the princi¬ 
ples upon which we act, and impress upon them that it 
is a duty which they owe to themselves, to their children, 
and to the friends of republican institutions in every part 
of the world, to sustain those principles ; but above all, 
we must cultivate harmony and good feeling among our¬ 
selves, and sacrifice all personal interests to the advance¬ 
ment of the cause in which we are engaged. 

In all political contests, as in the common affairs of life, 
united efforts are much more effectual for the accom¬ 
plishment of the proposed object than individual exer¬ 
tions, strenuous as the latter may be. But union and 
concert can only be brought about by orginization. We 
therefore recommend to our brethren in different parts of 
the State, to organize themselves, by forming associations 
similar to our own, by which means they will become bet¬ 
ter acquainted with, and understand each other. A State 
Convention has been recommended to be held in June 
next. This meets our entire approbation ; and we can¬ 
not but believe that when it shall assemble, it will be 
found that the Whig cause is much stronger in Pennsyl¬ 
vania than its opponents are willing to admit. 

We have declared our preference for one of the dis¬ 
tinguished individuals, whose names have been present¬ 
ed to the people as candidates for the Presidency. It is 
founded, not upon personal attachment, much as we 
esteem and admire him, but is the result of a settled con¬ 
viction that he combines in himself, in a much greater 
degree than any other individual, those great endov/ments 
and qualities, which the station and its important duties 
require. It is the comprehensiveness and vigor of un¬ 
derstanding, the loftiness of purpose, the ardor of patriot¬ 
ism, the erect and manly spirit, the dignified yet repub¬ 
lican manners, the practical sagacity, and the thorough 
knowledge of men as well as of the people at large, which 
are united in Henry Clay, that point to him as the man 


[ 21 ] 

above all others, fitted to unite the American people once 
more in the bonds of harmony, and to elevate our coun¬ 
try to her former pre-eminent standing in the eyes of the 
world. 

Mr. Clay has been in the public service for “nearly 
thirty years, and almost the whole of that time in Con¬ 
gress ; and having always taken a prominent part in 
whatever concerned the interest and honor of his coun¬ 
try, he is identified with every important measure that 
has agitated the public mind during that time. His sen¬ 
timents have never been disguised upon any subject, but 
have always been expressed with the frankness of since¬ 
rity, and that independence which is indicative of the 
strongest reliance on the honesty of his countrymen, as 
well as of his own rectitude. If he has not always con¬ 
vinced the people of the correctness of his views, he has 
at least won their admiration ; and his name has become 
familiar to the lips, and dear to the hearts of every Ame¬ 
rican, who can appreciate the noble qualities both of the 
head and the heart, with which he is so eminently en¬ 
dowed. He came into the Senate of the United States, 
in 1810, during the administration of Mr. Madison ; whose 
principles he approved, and to whom he gave efficient 
support. The next year he was returned to the House 
of Representatives, and on the first day of the session, 
was elected Speaker by a large majority :—a mark of 
distinction unprecedented, and which can only he appre¬ 
ciated, when it is recollected, that there was then in the 
House, a Lowndes, a Randolph, a Calhoun, a Quincy, a 
Bibb, a Macon, a Grundy, a Poindexter, a Robt. Goodloe 
Harper, and others, then and since distinguished as ora¬ 
tors and statesmen. The dignity and ability with which 
he presided, the strict order and decorum he preserved 
in the House, and the rapid and correct manner in which 
he despatched business, will long be remembered. 

On the great and absorbing question of war with Great 
Britain, who was then impressing our seamen, insulting 


our flag, and committing depredations on our commerce, 
Mr. Clay acted with the republican party, which had 
elected him, (and to which he has always belonged,) and 
his indignant denunciations were poured out against the 
self-styled “Lords of the Ocean,” in burning eloquence.* 
During the years 1812 and 13, when disaster attended 
our arms on the norther frontier, and when the hearts of 
many began to quail, Mr. Clay stood firm and undismay¬ 
ed, and by the power of his eloquence and the energy of 
his character, infused spirit and vigor into the Ad¬ 
ministration and the American people.,, It was then that 
his name was shouted with enthusiasm from the Capitol 
to the utmost verge of the nation—and the enemy felt 
the force of his eloquence in the nerved arm and arous¬ 
ed courage of our soldiers. 

The war being closed by the Treaty of Ghent, in which 
Mr. Clay took a prominent part, he was, on his return 
home, re-elected to the House of Representatives and to 
the Speaker’s Chair; and took the lead in all the impor¬ 
tant measures of the day, such as providing for the pay¬ 
ment of the public debt, adjusting the Tariff, &c. His 
compehensive mind even then pierced the veil of futuri¬ 
ty, and saw the prospective greatness of his country; and 
he exerted every faculty to bring into action the energies 
and the enterprize of a bold, hardy, ingenious and indus¬ 
trious people. 

We will not attempt to enumerate the various import¬ 
ant measures he has originated and advocated, all ex¬ 
hibiting his statesman-like views, and his thorough know¬ 
ledge of the resources and capabilities of our country ; 
but we may assert, in the borrowed language of truth and 
eloquence, that “ every page of American history, from 
that period to the present moment, records the brilliancy 
of his genius—the profound sagacity of his mature judg¬ 
ment—and, above all, the vestal fire of patriotism, that 
burns brightly upon the altar of his heart.” 

* See Appendix H. 


[ 23 ] 

And in the same language we may ask, “ Who was 
the first and the ablest advocate of our great and glori¬ 
ous system of Internal Improvements 1 Who advocated 
the interests of the American manufacturer, the Ame¬ 
rican mechanic, and the American laborer, and stood by 
them in the darkest hour of trial 1 Who lent the pure 
devotion and gushing eloquence of a patriot’s soul, and 
like an angel of peace saved this union at the time 
when the memorable Missouri question threatened the 
speedy dissolution of the republic? Who effected an 
honorable compromise in the dark and fearful controver¬ 
sy of the Tariff question, which drove South Carolina 
into open rebellion ? It was Henry Clay. Who is in fa¬ 
vor of preserving the priceless treasure of our national 
domain, which was acquired by the blood of our common 
forefathers, and of appropriating the same as it shall be 
needed, to the support of schools, and the diffusion of 
universal knowledge, which is confessedly the only pal¬ 
ladium of American liberty ?” Who has dared, at the 
hazard of forfeiting the good opinion and support of a 
portion of his friends, to interpose himself between the 
South and those who would assail her rights over the 
broken fragments of a prostrate constitution? It is 
Henry Clay. 

Had Mr. Clay acted contrary to his nature, and proved 
recreant to the great principles of constitutional liberty 
which have ever been the pole-star of his political course, 
had he consented to bow to the supremacy of “a mili¬ 
tary chieftain,” and deemed it “ glory enough to serve 
him,” instead of resisting his usurpations, at a time when 
the popular voice would have commended such a course, 
can any man doubt that he might now have been enjoy¬ 
ing the highest reward in the power of the people to be¬ 
stow ? The answer must be no ! Bui office and distinc¬ 
tion, unaccompanied by self-approbation, never had 
charms for him. Though not indifferent to the good opi- 


[ 24 ] 


nion of his fellow citizens, he could never consent to pur¬ 
chase it with hypocritical cant, and debasing subser¬ 
viency. Ambitious he is ; but his ambition is of that lofty 
kind which looks to the unbiased verdict of posterity, ra¬ 
ther than to the applause of changeful partisans—which 
prefers to serve the country even under a load of obloquy, 
to serve self at the expense of self-respect; which pre¬ 
fers being right to being President. 

Though misrepresented by a venal press, and misun¬ 
derstood by his countrymen, who have listened to the 
calumnies that have been poured out upon him by the 
sycophants of power, Mr. Clay has never faltered or 
wavered in his opposition to usurpation and misrule, nor 
in exposing the peculations, the inconsistencies, and the 
fatal effects which must result from the corruptions of the 
times—trusting to time and the power of truth to dispel 
those mists of party prejudice through which many of 
his fellow citizens view him, and relying on their candor 
and generosity to do him justice, when they shall have 
been convinced, as they one day must be, that he has 
ever been faithful to the great interests of his country. 

Viewing Mr. Clay as one whose splendid talents and 
exalted character would dignify and adorn the Execu¬ 
tive Chair, and whose long experience in public affairs, 
united with a thorough knowledge of men, would enable 
him to assemble around him the ablest and best men in 
the nation, and give an impetus to the prosperity of the 
country, we most ardently desire, and shall use all hono¬ 
rable means to procure his nomination and election. We 
will not permit ourselves for a moment to believe that 
one so gifted, so able to serve his country, who has been 
the target at which the envenomed shafts of our oppo¬ 
nents have been so long hurled, and whose voice has 
cheered us on amid the battle’s storm, can now, as vic¬ 
tory is about to perch upon our banner, be cast aside, 
and the laurels which should grace his bow, be placed 


[ 25 ] 


upon another, and the triumph he has earned be av/ai4- 
ed to one who has taken no part in the contest But 
should the National Convention deem it advisable to 
place some other individual in nomination, much as we 
admire Mr. Clay, and grateful as we feel for the emine»t 
services he has rendered his country in the various ^wh¬ 
ile stations he has filled, we shall bow submissive toito 
judgment. The great principles we advocate, are of far 
deeper importance and abiding interest to us, and to tiie 
country at large, than the elevation of a.ny individwaJ, 
however eminent his talents, or strong his claim isposa 
his country’s gratitude; and if we would see these tii- 
umph, we must be prepared to sacrifice all personal feel¬ 
ing to the success of our cause. Whoever shall be sio- 
minated as our candidate for the Presidency, our motto 
must be. 


UNION AND PERSEVERANCE—OUR COUNTRY 


AND OUR CAUSE. 


On behalf of the Association. 
Josiah Randall | 

N. Sargent 
John M. Scott 
William Rawle 
John G. Watmough 
John Price Wetherill 
John Struthers 
Bela Badger 
John Swift 
George Jeffries 
Lawrence Lewis 
Joseph R. Chandler 
Matthew Carey 
Thomas S. Smith 
J. Coleman Fisher 
Henry S. Spackman 
AVilliam A. Crabbe 
William P. Blight 


William S. Heatosa 
James Harper 
Arundius Tiers 
John C. Martin 
William P. Hacker 
Marshall Sprogle 
J. G. Clarkson 
Benjamin Duncan 
John S. Riddle 
Daniel Groves j 

Daniel Winebrenner 
Peter Beideman 
John Lentz 
Nathaniel Gates 
George Riston 
William D. Conrade 
Michael Andress 
John D. Ninested 
John B. Kenny 
William B. Whitecar 
Alexander Quinton 


John S. Warner 
William Norris 
Jacob Stout 


c 




C 36 ] 


Levi Hollingsworth 
George Haas 
Thomas Moore 
John Waters 
Jonathan Johnson 
James Keen 
George P. Little 
William Almond 
Peter Parker 
Truman M. Hubbell 
Henry M. Prevost 
John Thomason 
Joseph Roberts 
Abr’m Kintzing 
William W. Warner 
William Carels 
G. P. Glentworth 
Wm. Pennington 
N. Canfield 
Wm. Bradford 
John Scofield 
W^illiam G. Cochran 
John M. Williams 
George Rockenburg 
Robert Scott 
John Stout 
Job Kirkbride 
John L. Woolf 
Henry Stout 
Henry H. King 
Benj. W. Whitecar 
William Stout 
Henry Shuster 
Charles Field 
George Sterr, Jr. 
George W. South 
J. Simeon Cohen 
Alfred L. Smith 
James M. Sanderson 
Robert Patton 
Robert Donnell 
Robert Phillips 


J. B. Andrews 
Thomas W. Duffield jr 
Isaac Otis 

Charles D.Lybrand 
Charles M. Miller 
Casper P. Morris 
Sampson Tams 
Peter Howard 
Ed. Armstrong 
Joseph C. Mills 
John Meany 
Jesse Y. Castor 
,JohnR. Walker 
James M. Moore 
John Hook 
Peter Rovoudt 
Wm. A. Dubusk 
Edward Gaskill 
George Kane 
Joseph Akens 
JohnM. Bussier 
Peter D. Rodgers 
George W. Ward 
William G. Banks 
Benjamin Franklin 
Samuel L. Palmer 
Robert P. Phillips 
Alexander Robb 
S. C. Cleveland 
Philip S. Clawges 
Edward Cavenaugh 
JohnC. Gill 
George Day 
John P. Binns 
W'lWmm Supplee 
J. E. EJd ridge 
Robert Hastings 
Albert Stout 
IFilliam Frandis 
F. Bradley 
Robert Boyle 
H^illiam Woov 


Robert McClatchey 




“FACTS FOR THE PEOPEE.” 


APPENDIX. 


[A.] 

GENERAL JACKSON’S SENTIMENTS, AS AVOWED 
WHILE A CANDIDATE FOR THE PRESIDENCY. 

Extracts from a letter from Gen. Jackson, to Mr. Monroe, 
dated Nashville, Nov. 12, 1816. 

“Your happiness, and the nation’s welfare, materially depend 
upon the selections which are to be made to fill the heads of de¬ 
partments. 

* 

“Every thing depends on the selection of your ministry. In 
every selection, party and party feelings should be avoided. Now 
is the time to exterminate that Monster called party spirit. By 
selecting characters most conspicuous for their probity, virtue, 
capacity, and firmness, without any regard to party, you will go 
far to, if not entirely, eradicate those feelings which, on former 
occasions, threw so many obstacles in the way of government 5 
and perhaps have the pleasure and honor of uniting a people 
heretofore politically divided. The Chief Magistrate pf a 
great and powerful nation should never indulge in party feelings. 
His conduct should be liberal and disinterested, always bearing 
in mind that he acts for the whole, and not aof the commu¬ 
nity. Consult no parly in your choice.” 

This letter, though written in 1816, was first published in 
May, 1824, while General Jackson was a candidate for the 
Chief Magistracy. 

In a letter to George Kremer, dated Washington, May 4th, 
1824, Gen. Jackson says: “ The voice of Washington, in his 
Farewell Address to the nation, was, that party animosity was 
not to be encouraged, because ‘ it was calculated to distract the 
public councils and enfeeble the public administration f and, 
with his, the voice of every patriot will accord.” 

The letters, of which the above are extracts, were published 




2 


in the National Intelligencer, in May, 1824, by General Jack¬ 
son’s consent. Of course he intended to put forth the sentimenls 
therein expressed, as those which he wished the people to be¬ 
lieve he would act upon in case he were elected. 

The following are extracts of a letter from General Jackson 
to the Legislature of Tennessee, resigning his seat in the United 
States Senate, Oct. 14, 1825, after he had been defeated in his 
first contest for the Presidency, and had been re-nominated as 
a candidate. 

The legislature had proposed, or had under consideration, an 
amendment to the Co’-stitution of the United States, declaring 
any individual elected to the Presidency ineligible to a re-elec¬ 
tion; or, in other words, limiting the services of any one man as 
President, to a single term. In allusion to this proposition, 
Gen. Jackson, said: 

“I venture fully to accord with you in the contemplated 
change proposed to the Constitution. I would go further.” * * 

He then adds these memorable words: “I would impisea 
provision rendering any member of Congress ineligible to office 
under the General Government, during the term for which he 
was elected, and for two years thereafter.” ^ * * * * 

“Members, instead of being liable to be withdrawn from 
legislating on th^ great interests of the nation, through the pros¬ 
pect of Executive patronage^ would be more liberally confided 
in by their constituents, while their vigilance would be less inter¬ 
rupted by parly feelings and party excitements. * * * 

“But if this change in the Constitution should not be obtained, 
and hnportant appointments continue to devolve on the represen¬ 
tatives in Congress, it requires no depth of thought to be convinc¬ 
ed that CORRUPTION WILL BECOME THE ORDER OF THF DAY.” 

General Jackson adds, in conclusion, “i7 is due to myself to 
practise upon the maxims recommended to others. ” 

How he “practised upon the maxims recommended to others,” 
in the above letter, and in that to Mr. Monroe, may be seen by 
reference to the statements ive have given in this appendix and 
to which we beg leave to call the attention of the people. No 
chief magistrate ever indulged in party feelings^^ to the 
same extent that he did; no one ever did rnore to foster into life 
that “mons/er, called party spirit;” no one ever acted less “for 
the wholef^ and more for ^^Sipartf^ no one ever acted more ex¬ 
clusively upon ^party and party feelings” in his selections of 
officers; and no one ever appointed one-fifth of the number of 
members of Congress to office that he did. 

We believe that facts will bear us out in the assertion that 
Gen. Jackson never published a political sentiment in his life that 


3 


he did not falsify in practice. Certainljr, he never practised upon 
a single one ot “the maxims recommended to others” in the 
above letters; but has done more to cause “corruption” to be¬ 
come “the order of the day” than any other individual living, 
or who has ever lived, in this country. 

[B.] 

AN EXEMPLIFICATION OF THE MANNER IN WHICH 
THE PROMISED “RETRENCHMENT AND RE¬ 
FORM” WERE CARRIED OUT IN PRACTICE. 

In 1827, while Mr. Adams occupied the Presidential Chait-, 
committees were appointed both by the Senate and by the House 
of Representatives, to take into consideration the subject of re¬ 
ducing the expenses of the government. Mr. Benton and Mr. 
Van Buren were members of the Senate committee, and in their 
report speak of the immense and dangerous patronage of the Pre¬ 
sident. They say, “the President has power^ over the support 
of the Federal officers; and power over a man’s support has al¬ 
ways been held and admitted to be power over his will.” They 
also say that “the power of patronage, unless checked by the 
vigorous interposition of Congress, must go on increasing;” and 
add, with prophetic truth, “ the Rresident of the United States 
is the source of patronage. He presides over the entire system of 
federal appointments, jobs, and contracts ; he has ‘ power’ over 
the ‘support’ of the individuals who administer the system. He 
makes and unmakes them. He chooses from the circle of his friends 
and supporters, and may dismiss them, and upon all the princi¬ 
ples of human action, will dismiss them as often as they disap¬ 
point his expectations.” ^ ^ * “We must look 

forward to the time when the nomination of the President can. 
carry any man through the Senate, and his recommendation can 
carry any measure through the two Houses of Congress;—when 
the principle of public action will be open and avowed—the pre¬ 
sident wants my vote, and I want his patronage : /will vote as 
he wishes, and he will give me the office I wish for. What will 
this be but the government of one man? and what is the govern¬ 
ment of one man but a Monarchy ?” 

This was the language of Benton and Van Buren in 1828. 
Has not the time to which they looked forward arrived ? Do 
not the leaders of the party, of which Mr. Van Buren is now 
the chief, and Mr. Benton ambitious to become so, act upon the 
principle that the President wants their votes and they want his 
patronage; and do they not mutually gratify each others wants ? 
already has this principle become, as they predicted it would, 

open and avowed ;” and we may ask, in their own language, 


4 


“ what is this but the government of one man ? and what 
government of one man but a monarchy 

The “ Retrenchment and Reform” committee of the House 
of Representatives, in May 1828, said, in their report, that “by 
a judicious system of ‘ reform’ at least one third of the clerks in 
the departments might be reduced with safety to the public in¬ 
terest.” And on the 2rthday of February, 1829, only four 
days before Gen. Jackson’s inauguration, when he declared that 
“the recent demonstration of public sentiment had inscribed on 
the list of Executive duties, in characters too legible to be over¬ 
looked, the task of “ Reform,” the same committee, by their 
chairman, Mr. Hamilton, reported to the House the following re¬ 
solution : 

Resolved, That this House has a right to expect that the 
Executive will submit to Congress, at its next session, a com¬ 
prehensive scheme of retrenchment, which shall extend to the 
lopping oft' of all useless offices, and of securing a more efifective 
accountability in those which are retained.” 

Did the Executive “submit a comprehensive scheme of retrench¬ 
ment,^^ “to Congress, at its next session,” or at any subsequent 
sesssion ? NO. The people had been gulled by these loud 
professions ;—the humbug had answered its intended purpose, 
and was therefore dropped.^ 

But this was not all. Instead of reducing the number of 
Clerks etc., in the Departments, and Custom Houses “one 
tAirc?,” as the committee had declared might be done “with 
safety to the public interests,” they were now increased beyond 
all former precedent, as the following Statement, made out 
from official sources of information, will show. 


* The following anecdote was current at Washington in 1830. Mr. Wickliffe, 
of Kentucky, being appointed chairman of “the retrenchment committee,” set him- 
self honestly and zealously to work to carry out the objects which the party had 
professed to desire; but was told by Mr. Van Buren that “ retrenchment" was a 
very good hobby to ride into power upon, but was a poor one to ride after they 
had got in; “and therefore,” said he, “as we have got into power, we had belter 
say no more about it” 



5 


STATEMENT, 

Shmingt^ number and compematim of Clerks, etc., in the 
Custon Houses at New York and Philadelphia, and in the va- 
nous Departments at Washington^ in 1828, and 1837. 

No. and compen¬ 
sation in 1828. 

Custom House, N. Y. 

174 8119,062 

Custom House, Phila. 

81,265 

State Department. 

27,750 

Treasury Department. 

18,600 

Solicitor of the Treas’j. office. 


68 

16 

10 

none 

20 

none 

3 
5 

none 

S 

4 
1 

none 

1 

16 

64 


No. and compen¬ 
sation in 1837. 

414 8450,000 

83 88,933 


28,650 


2,950 


3,900 


War Department. 
Commanding General’s office. 
Adjutant General’s office. 
Paymaster General’s office. 


2,950 

2,950 

1,500 


Quarter Master General’s office 
Ordnance Department. 
Subsistence Department. 
Surgeon General’s office. 
Indian Department 


Superintendent of Indian Affairs. 
1,500 

Indian Agents. 

24,000 

Sub Agents and Interpreters. 
31,240 

Sub Agents. 


o 2 


40 

17 

5 

42 

2 

8 

3 

7 

10 

5 

2 


56,515 

27,100 

7,450 

63,810 

1,800 

8,226 

4,290 

7,300 

9,225 

5,880 

1,866 


14 19,000 

8 14,000 

10 15,000 

14 10,50 




6 


Commissioners. 


Assistant Agent. 


S8S 346,317 

16c®mmissioners at S8 per day; 11 do. at %5 per 
day. 98 interpreters and others at salaries of 
from S250 to S800 per annum; and 82 per¬ 
sons employed at from IS2 50 to per day. 
The whole estimated at - - - - 


3 

1 


9,000 

1,200 


160,000 


895 780,794 

385 346,317 


INCREASE in eight years 


512 g434,477 


[C.] 


General Jackson, on being inaugurated, called the Senate of 
tibe United States together, as is customary, for the purpose of 
c®nlirming such nominations of public officers as he might deem 
it Ms duty to make to them. Having nominated the members of 
Ms cabinet and one or two other officers, he informed the Senate 
lie had no further business to lay before them, and they adjourn* 
ed on the 17th March, 1829. On the 20th of the same month, 
Isciwever, he commenced a general removal of the officers of the 
goYernment, and tilling their places with his own devoted partisans. 
Amos Kendall and Isaac Hill were among the first to be re¬ 
warded with responsible offices. Of those removed, before the 
Best session of Congress, there were 


Foreign Ministers, 4 

Charge de Affaires, 2 

Secretaries of Legation, 4 

Marshalls, 9 

IfjstHct Attornies, 16 

Collectors of Customs etc. 48 


Receivers and Registers, 26 

Consuls, 21 

In the Executive depart¬ 
ments, 46 

Post Masters, 491 


Total, 


667! 


Besides at least an equal number of subordinates in Custom 
Mouses, Land offices. Post offices, etc !! 

it has been stated, and we believe with truth, that during the 
first four years of General Jackson’s administration, there were 
at least Two Thousand removals of persons from office for 
opinion’s sake, whose places were supplied by the appointment 
of devoted and brawling partisans of the President, many of 
whom were alike destitute of intelligence, moral honesty, and 
character ! 








7 


Such a universal proscription had never before been witnessed 
or attempted in this country, and it is doubtful whether the 
people would have borne it in any other President. Under 
General Jackson’s predecessors, from the commencement of 
the government down to the period when he commenced his cor- 
rupt system of political rewards and punishments, a period of * 
forty years, the whole number of removals from office had been, 
but seventy-four; namely, by Washington, 9; John Adams 10; 
Jefferson S9 ; Madison 5 ; Monroe 9 ; J. Q. Adams 2. And 
these were for other causes than political opinions. 

Can it excite surprise that, under an administration which 
openly avowed the doctrine that “ to the victors belong the 
spoils of office,” and which thus profusely rewarded its parti¬ 
sans with posts of honor and profit, without reference to any 
merit but that of devotedness to the interests of the President, 
a universal love of office should be engendered, among the pro¬ 
fligate, and their zeal excited to the highest pitch of reckless¬ 
ness ! The effects produced by this debasing policy, are seen 
and lamented by all lovers of tlieir country ; but they are just 
such as were to have been expected. The political morals of 
the country have become corrupted and debased, if indeed, it 
can any longer be said she has any. And this is the “Reform” 
for which the country is indebted to General Jackson and Mr. 

VAN BUREN 

Among the individuals who were rewarded with office, by 
Gen. Jackson, were FIFTY SEVEN Editors, and others con¬ 
nected with the press!! A few of these were men respected in 
the community ; but a very large portion of them could present 
no other claims to office than the^ violent manner in which they 
had opposed Mr. Adams and advocated the election of Gen. 
Jackson, and the entire disregard they had shown for truth and 
candor, 

* Since Mr. Van Burcn came into power, there have been 340 removals of 
postmasters,—98 of them since the 1st of January last! The individuals removed 
are chiefly conservatives. A week or two ago, Mr. Van Buren comemnced re¬ 
moving subordinate officers in the Departments at Washington:—where and when 
proscription is to end, we cannot tell. 

t The amount of money paid by Government to Editors and others connected 
with the press, has averaged, for the last ten years, about one hundred and fifty 
thousand dollars a year! This has, of course, been chiefly paid to those who sup¬ 
port the party, right or wrong, according to Mr. VAN BUREN’S dictation. 


8 


TD.] 

MEMBERS OF CONGRESS APPOINTED TO OFFICE 
“UNDER THE GENERAL GOVERNMENT” by GEN. 
JACKSON. 


Martin Van Buren, 
Samuel D. Ingham, 
John H. Eaton, 
John Branch, 

John Me P. Berrien 
Lewis McLane, 


2 




T. P. Moore, 

Edw. Livingston, t 
Wm. C. Rives, 
Jas. W. Ripley, 
PoWHATTAN ElLIS,^ 
Jeromus Johnson 
George W. Owen, 
John Chandler, 
Francis Baylies, 


Albion K. Paris, 

Selah R. Hobbie, 

John G. Stower, 

P. P. Barbour, 

James M. Wayne, 
Robert T. Lytle, 

John Randolph. 
William Wilkins, 
James Buchanan, 

Levi Woodbury, 
Edward Kavenaugh, 
Andrew Stevenson, 1| 
Romulus M. Saunders, 
Jesse Miller. 


[E.]. 

The President forwarded prospectuses of the Globe, and 
hundreds of Extra Globes to individuals in Tennessee, which 
contained articles abusive of his old friends. Judge White and 
Mr. Bell; and the following letters will show that the Commis¬ 
sioner of the General Land Office and the Fourth Auditor “follow¬ 
ed in the footsteps” of their Chief. Other officers, we doubt not, 
were also engaged in this electioneering business, and in abus¬ 
ing their franking privileges. 


* First appointed Secretary of State, and then Minister to England. 

tSecretary of State, and Minister to France. 

t Appointed Judge of the District Court of Mississippi, and afterwards Minis¬ 
ter to Mexico. 

il Mr. Stevenson was elected Speaker of the House of Representatives, and 
filled the executive chair of that body one session, with the written promise of 
the President in his pocket, that he should have the appointment of Minister to 
England! Well might Gen. Jackson speak of Members of Congress being “ liable 
to be withdrawn from legislating on the great interests of the nation, through the 
prospect of Executive Patronage,” and that “ corruption wbuld become the order 
of the day," &c. He, at least, showed himself well versed in the art of corruption, 
and knew well the great power of XheX patronage which he, as Chief Magistrate, 
could exert upon individuals. Mr. VAN BUREN also understands this power, 
and exerts it to the utmost extent. 



y 


Letter from the Commissioner of the General Land Office, to a 
friend in Ohio, 

“ April, 1832. 

“ I send you the second number of the Extra Globe. It 
IS one dollar for thirty numbers. As it is of the greatest import¬ 
ance in the approaching contest for the Presidency, that this pa¬ 
per should be circulated and read in every neighborhood in Ohio, 
can you procure five or ten subscribers for it in your vicinity? 
If you can, and do, you may transmit the money to me, and I 
will see the papers forwarded to such persons and post offices 
as you shall direct. The back numbers will be sent. 

Elijah Haywood.” 


Letter from Jimos Kendall^ Fourth Jiuditor, to a friend in Ken¬ 
tucky. 

“ Washington, April 28, 1832. 

‘‘Dear Sir—I take the liberty to enclose you certain proposals 
which speak for themselves. The people need only correct in¬ 
formation, and the proposed paper will give it on the cheapest 
terms. It is intended to reach every neighborhood in the Union^ 
and it is particularly desirable that it should be circulated 
through Kentucky, It will render essential service in all your 
elections. Will you take the trouble, for the sake of our good 
cause, to raise a subscription in your quarter, and make a speedy 
return' of names and money. The time for action is at hand. 

With respect, yours truly, 

Amos Kendall.” 


We beg the reader, after giving the above letter an attentive 
perusal, to do the same with the following, from the same indi¬ 
vidual, dated “Fourth Auditor’s Office, > 

March 24, 1829. S 

“ The interests of the country demands that the Auditor’s 
office should be filled with men of business, and not with bab¬ 
bling politicians. Partizan feelings shall not enter here, if I 
can keep them out. To me and my clerks other duties are as¬ 
signed. Them I shall endeavor to discharge in the spirit of re- 
form^ which has made General Jackson President. Vain I may 
be, proud I am, that the President has given me an opportunity 
to aid him in proving that reform is not an empty sounds and is 
not to apply merely to a change of men. 

Very respectfully, &c. 

“ To. J. Monroe.” “Amos Kendall.” 


Was ever hypocrisy and cant more disgustingly portrayed 
than in these two letters ! And yet, these are the means by which 
the Jackson-Van Buren party acquired and retain their power. 


10 


[ F ] 

The public lately had an opportunity of seeing how a democrat 
by profession^ an office holder, and haranguer of Locofoco meet¬ 
ings, lived at home. The defalcation and absconding of Wm. 
M. Price, late United States District Attorney of New York, 
rendered a sale of his furniture necessary 5 and such was the mag¬ 
nificent and splendid style in which his house was furnished that 
people rushed in crowds to behold it. The cost of his furniture 
could not have been less, from all accounts, than fifteen or 
twenty thousand dollars ! 

This affords a striking illustration of the hypocrisy and insincerity 
of those who are always 7 ? to be the friends of the people; 

who excite the hostility of the poor against the rich, and who 
are ever applying the epithet of “ aristocrats^^ to the latter. 

[G] 

DEFALCATIONS OF PUBLIC OFFICERS. 

It would have been supposed that an administration coming 
into power with high professions of purity upon their lips—pro¬ 
claiming their purpose to be “ Retkenchmemt and Reform,” 
and denouncing their predecessors as guilty of all manner of cor¬ 
ruption and extravagance, would, for the sake of appearances^ if 
from no other motive, have been especially careful to enforce 
upon their subordinate agents strict accountability and rigid 
punctuality in paying over the public funds which from time to 
time accumulated in their hands. When General Jackson came 
into office, Amos Kendall and others, were set to work to en¬ 
deavor to find out something by which to sustain and justify the 
charge of corruption that had been so loudly made. At length, 

^ a solitary case, that of poor Tobias Watkins, was found, where¬ 
in an office holder under the then late administration, had ap¬ 
propriated a portion of funds in his hands, to his own private 
use. Immediately, on this discovery, the cry was set up of 
^‘dreadful corruption ! our charges proved !”—and the culprit 
was seized, indicted, found guilty, and imprisoned in a cell, 
over which was written in large characters, by order of the Pre¬ 
sident, “ CRIMINAL APARTMENT.” The amount of Dr. 
Watkins’ defalcation was S3,050; and he was kept in jail by 
the President for this, three years and six months. The people 
of the United States were dreadfully scandalized by this case of 
corruption, and were more than ever disposed to believe that all 
that had been charged was true. 

But if they were thus shocked at the single case of Watkins, 
what must they think when they read the following: 


List of some of the Defaulters to the Government, whose de- 
falcations have occurred since 1829, when General Jackson 
came into power—from official documents. 


NAMES. 


Samuel Swartwout 

William M. Price 

A. S. Thurston 
George VV. Owen 
Israel T. Canby 
Abner Me Cariy 

B. F. Edwards 
Wm. Lee D. Ewing 
John Hays 

Willis M Green 
B. S. Chambers 
David L. Tod 
B. R Rodgers 
Maurice Cannon 
A. W. Me Daniel 
John H. Owen 
George B. Crutcher 
George B. Dameron 
Samuel W. Dickson 

ii 

Wiley P. Harris 
William Taylor 
Uriah G. Mitchell 
James W. Stephensor 
Littlebury Hawkins 
S. W. Beall 
Joseph Friend 
William H. Allen 
Gordon D. Boyd 
R. H. Sterling 
Paris Childers 
William Linn 
Samuel T. Scott 
James T. Pollock 
John L. Daniel 
Morgan Neville 
M. J. Allen 
Robert T. Brown 


PLACE OF 

RESIDENCE. 

Amount of 

DEFALCATION. 

New York. 

11.225,705 69 r 

ii 

c 

75.000 ( 

Key VVest, Florida. 

2 822 14 J 

Mobile, Ala. 

11.173 48 J 

Crawfordville, Ind. 

39,013 31 

Indianapolis, Ind. 

1 338 92 : 

Edwardsville, Ill. 

' 3 315 76 1 

Vandalia, Ill. 

16,754 29 . 

Jackson, Miss. 

1,366 16 1 

Palmyra, Miso. 

2,312 12 : 

Little Rock, Ark 

2,146 27 

Opelousas, La. 

27.230 57 

ii 

6,024 83 

New Orleans. 

1,259 28 . 

Washington, Miss. 

6,000 

St. Stephens, Ala. 

30,611 97 

Choctaw, Miss. 

6,061 40 

ii 

39,059 64 

ii 

11,231 90 

it 

898 53 

Columbus Miss, 

109,178 08 

Cahawba, Ala. 

1 23116 18 

it 

54.626 55 

1 Galena, Ill. 

43,294 04 

Helena, Ark. 

100,000 00 

Green Bay. 

10 620 19 

Washita, La. 

2 551 91 

Sr. Augustine. 

1,997 50 

Columbus, Miss. 

50,937 29 

Chochuma, Miss. 

10,733 70 

Greensburg, La. 

12 449 76 

Vandalia, 111. 

55.962 06 

Jackson, Miss. 

12,550 47 

Crawfordville, Ind. 

14,891 98 

Opelousas, Ill. 

7,280 63 

Cincinnati. 

13,781 19 

Tallahasse, Florida. 

26,691 57 

Springfield, Miso. 

3,600 50 


WHEN DUE. 


March 31,1832 
April 1, 1834 


Nov. 16,1836 
June 30,1836 
Feb. 28,1837 
May 5,1837 
Nov. 9. 1835 
June 30, 1837 
May 15,1835 
Oct. 57.1836 
Aug. 31, 1837 
Feb. 23,1837 
“ 1838 
“ 1828 
“ 1838 


4 < « 

“ 1839 


$2 064,209 86 

TWO MILLIONS, SIXTY-FOUR 
HUNDRED AND NINE DOLLARS, AND EIGHIY-SIX 

CENTS! 

This might be enlarged by giving- alist of all the defaulters since 
1829, and the amounts due by them ; thepruici/ml ones, only, 
are given above. And yet Mr. Van Boben is opposed to an m- 
vestigation ! 





















13 


In^the case of Swartwout, his defalcation commenced as earlj 
as 1830, and continued to increase till 1838. In the cases of 
Sterling, Pollock, Linn, Harris, Hawkins, and some others, the 
defalcations seem to have commenced, in some instances in 1833, 
and in others in 1834, and to have continued for several years, 
without the defaulters being removed or any steps having been 
taken to compel payment of the amounts due, though they were 
coaxed and remonstrated with, and threatened to be reported to 
the President, from time to time, and from year to year, by the 
Secretary of the Treasury. Nay, not only were they not re¬ 
moved from office, but Harris was re-appointed^ while yet a de¬ 
faulter, and after having been repeatedly called upon, by the 
Secretary, in vain, to make the proper returns of his amounts 
and pay over the large balance in his hands! 

The followilig extract ofa letter from John F. H. Claiborne, 
a representative in Congress from Mississippi, to the Presiderft, 
will explain why a notorious and contumacious defaulter was re¬ 
appointed to office, after having been repeatedly threatened with 
removal. 

Columbus, Sept. 15, 1835. 

“ Poindexter employed a vile, unprincipled agent, (Gibson 
Woodbridge) to take testimony at this office, under a resolution 
of the Senate; and he endeavored to implicate General Harris 
and George W. Martin in some transaction of very minor im¬ 
portance. * ^ Nothing would rejoice him [Poin¬ 

dexter] more than the expulsion of General Harris, whom he 
know:s to be one of the main pillars of the democratic cause, and 
one of the earliest and most distinguishedfriends of the adminis¬ 
tration in Mississippi. His family and connexions are extremely 
influential, and all of them are co-operating with us in the ardu¬ 
ous struggle which we are now making. They are true demo¬ 
crats; and the bank, nullifying, and White parlies would shout 
‘ victory’ at any blow aimed at them.” 

And therefore because Plarris and his family were * ^democrats^^ 
and “ extremely influential,'*^ he must here-appointed, though a 
defaulter to the amount of over « hundred thousand dollars ! 
This would prevent the opposition from crying “victory” I! Mr. 
Claiborne goes onto say to the President, “We are in the 
midst of an electioneering campaign : Governor Runnels, R. 
Walker, Major B. W. Edwards, and myself, constitute the de¬ 
mocratic Van Buren ticket. It will be a close contest.” 

We now see what the Van Buren democratic doctrine is :— 
namely, to re-appoint public defaulters who happen to have 
“ extremely influential family connexions,” without regarding 
the safety of the people’s money. What a pity Tobias Watkins 
did not happen to be “ a distinguished friend of the administra- 


14 


tion”and ‘‘a democrat,” with extremely influential family 
connexions!'^ Poor fellow, instead of being removed from 
office and incarcerated in a prison for three years and six months, 
for making use of!SS,050—he might in that case have pocketed 
one hundred and nine thousand dollars^ and then have been re¬ 
appointed! 

This is a single exemplification of ‘‘the spoils” principle, 
upon which MARTIN VANBUREN acts j we could give hun¬ 
dreds of cases quite as strong. 

Is this .carrying out the principles of democracy} Such 
acts could never have been sanctioned by the pure, the 
noble-minded, the patriotic Washington. And will the Ame¬ 
rican sanction them ? if they do, they are not worthy to 

call him their countryman. 


[H] 

EXTRACTS FROM MR. CLAY’S SPEECHES, 
Delivered in Congress, in support of the last War, 

^^Whatare we to gain by the war, has been emphatically asked. 
In reply, he would ask, what are we not to lose by peace ? Com¬ 
merce, character, a nation’s best treasure, honor ! If pecuniary 
considerations alone are to govern, there is sufficient motive for 
the war. Our revenue is reduced by the operation of the belli¬ 
gerent edicts to about six millions of dollars, according to the 
secretary of the treasury’s report. The year preceding the em¬ 
bargo it was sixteen. Take away the orders in council, it will 
again mount up to sixteen millions. By continuing therefore in 
peace, (if the mongrel state in which we are deserve that de¬ 
nomination, j we lose annually in revenue alone, ten millions of 
dollars. 

He had no disposition to magnify, or dwell upon the catalogue 
of injuries we had received from England. He could not, how¬ 
ever, overlook the impressment of our seamen; an aggression 
upon wdiich he never reflected without feelings of indignation, 
which would not allow him appropriate language to describe its 
enormity. Not content with seizing upon all our property 
which falls within her rapacious grasp, the personal rights of our 
countrymen—rights which forever ought to be sacred, are tram¬ 
pled upon and violated.” 

5^ * -Sf 5^ >ie JK- 

‘‘What are we required to do by those who would engage our 
feelings and wishes in her (England’s) behalf ? To bear the 
actual cuff’s of her arrogance, that we may escape a chimerical 
French subjugation ! We are invited—conjured to drink the 
portion of British poison actually presented to our lips, that we 


15 


may avoid the imperial dose prepared by perturbed imaginations. 
"VVe are called upon to submit to debasement, dishonor and dis¬ 
grace—to bow the neck to royal insolence, as a course of prepa¬ 
ration for manly resistance to gallic invasion ! What nation, 
what individual was ever taught, in the schools of > i inious 
submission, these patriotic lesssons of freedom and independence? 
Let those who contend for this humiliating doctrine read its re¬ 
futation in the history of the very man against whose insatiable 
thirst of dominion we are warned. The experience of desolated 
Spain, for the last fifteen years, is worth volumes. Did she find 
her repose and safety in subserviency to the will of that man ? 
Had she boldly stood forth and repelled the first attempt to 
dictate to her councils, her monarch would not be now a miser¬ 
able captive in Marseilles.” 

iff: iff iff Hf i^ * 

‘Ht is said that the effect of the w^ar at home, will be a change 
of those who administer the government, who will be replaced 
by others that will make a disgraceful peace. He did not be¬ 
lieve it. Not a man in the nation could really doubt the since¬ 
rity with which those in power have sought, by all honorable and 
pacific means, to protect the interests of the country. When 
the people saw exercised towards both belligerents the utmost 
impartiality, witnessed the same equal terms tendered to both 5 
and beheld the government successively embracing an accommo¬ 
dation with each in exactly the same spirit of amity, he was fully 
persuaded, now that war was the only alternative left to us by 
the injustice of one of the powers, that the support and confi¬ 
dence of the people would remain undiminished. He was one, 
however, who was prepared to march on in the road of his duty 
at all hazards. What 1 shall it be said that our amor patrise is 
located at these desks—that we pusillanimously cling to our 
seats here, rather than boldly vindicate the most inestimable 
rights of the,country ?” 

* ■» iff iff * iff 

“The war was declared because Great Britain arrogated to her¬ 
self the'pretension of regulating our foreign trade, under the de¬ 
lusive name of retaliatory orders in council,—a pretension by 
which she undertook to proclaim to American enterprize:— 
“Thus far shalt thou go, and no farther,”—orders which she 
refused to revoke after the alleged cause of their enactment had 
ceased; because she persisted in the practice of impressing Ame¬ 
rican seamen; because she had instigated the Indians to commit 
hostilities against us; and because she refused indemnity for her 
past injuries upon our commerce. I throw out of the question 
other wrongs. The war in fact was announced, on our part, to 
meet the war which she was waging on her part.” 


16 


‘^^nd who is prepared to say, that American seamen shall be 
surrendered, as victims to the British principle of impressment? 
And, sir, what is this principle ? She contends that she has a 
right to the services other own subjects, and that, in the exercise 
of this right, she may lawfully impress them, even although she 
finds them in American vessels, upon the high seas, out 'of her 
jurisdiction. Now, I deny that she has any right, beyond her 
jurisdiction, to come on board our vessels, upon the high seas, 
for any other purpose than in the pursuit of enemies, or their 
goods, or goods contraband of war. 

The naked truth is, she comes, by her press gangs, on board 
of our vessels, seizes OUR native as well as naturalized seamen, 
and drags them into her service. It is the case, then, of the as¬ 
sertion of an erroneous principle,—and of a practice not con¬ 
formable to the asserted principle,—a principle which, if it were 
theoretically right, must be forever practically wrong,—a prac¬ 
tice which can obtain countenance from no principle whatever, 
and to submit to which, on our part, would betray the most ab¬ 
ject degradation. We are told, by gentlemen in the opposition, 
that government has not done all that was incumbent on it to do, 
to avoid just cause of complaint on the part of Great Britain,— 
that, in particular, the certificates of protection, authorized by 
the act of irQS, are fraudulently used. Sir, government has 
done too much in granting these paper protections. I can never 
think of them without being shocked. They resemble the passes 
which the master grants to his negro slave, “let the bearer, 
Mungo, pass and repass without molestation. ” What do they 
imply ? That Great Britain has aright to seize all who are not 
provided with them. From their very nature they must be 
liable to abuse on both sides. If Great Britain desires a mark 
by which she can know her own subjects, let her give them an ear 
mark. The colors that float from the mast head should be the 
credentials of our seamen. There is no safety to us, and the 
gentlemen have shown it, but in the rule that all who sail under 
the flag, (not being enemies,) are protected by the flag. It is im¬ 
possible that this country should ever abandon the gallant tars, 
who have won for us such splendid trophies.” 


We request the American people to read the foregoing 
''‘Facts,” and then ask themselves if they car*, conscientiously, 
support the present corrupt administration? and we leave them 
to act upon their own honest convictions. 







V 

v- 


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• : ri. ^ 

• .( .(' ■ f';: ; -/j |.,v 

'Kj •;^- 

/. -v ; i. j ' '■ ‘ij. ' f. .■••. 








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<■/■!'.,••. - ; r.^./r ri :: " ^ 

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. . ...'5^ -.,V r'■"•■-• •• •■ ^ ._/"» -- -' 

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I 


EXTRACT 

FROM THE SPEECH OF 

WILLIAM O. PKESTON, 

OF SOUTH CAROLINA, 


BEFORE THE 

DEMOeRATIC WHIG ASSOCIATION OF PHILA., 
ON THE IITH MARCH, 1839. 


After urging the necessity of union among the Whigs, and 
that they should stand by their principles, Mr. Preston said it 
did not perhaps become him to speak, in this place, of men ; but 
as the Whig flag could not be sustained without a hand to hold 
it aloft when raised, he must be indulged in a remark or two 
upon this subject. The flag under which we rally, he said, was 
a noble, a broad and expanded one, and proud we were of it 5 it 
should be placed in a hand worthy of it, and able to spread it 
forth upon the breeze. That hand is the hand of HENRY 
CLAY. To him and to no other man must our banner be en¬ 
trusted, if we would see it gloriously floating aloft, in proud and 
triumphant victory. 

Mr. Clay, he said, was a very noble man. He, himself, 
came into the Senate with strong prejudices against him. He 
had warmly opposed him long before he knew him. In the Sen¬ 
ate he found himself by his side—he watched hina with a jealous 
eye—but his prejudices had gradually given way before the power 
of truth, and from being a suspicious opponent, he would frankly 
confess he had become an admirer of the man. It was not his 
eloquence—that was well known—it was not the great services 
which he had rendered his country, and which must be familiar 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



to all ; but it was his noble nature—his tearless support oi wnat 
his judgment told him was right, regardless of consequences, 
that won his admiration. No man ever looked danger in the 
eye with a more determined countenance, when in the pursuit 
of truth, or the sustainment of right, than Henry Clay. (Great 
cheering.) This he spoke of his knowledge. He had seen him 
standing, as it were, upon the very verge of a political gulph, 
down which, apparently, a single step would plunge him. I 
have seen him look into the gulph with a fixed yet unblenching 
eye, and with all its consequences before him, taken the st^ 
which he thought duty required. Such a man is Henry Clay. 
(Cheers.) 

I have heard him utter, said Mr. Preston, in his closet, senti¬ 
ments which, had they fallen from the lips of one of the an¬ 
cients of Greece or Rome, would have been repeated with ad¬ 
miration to the present day. On one occasion, continued Mr. 
Preston, he did me the honor to consult with me. It was in re¬ 
ference to a step he was about to take, and which will, perhaps, 
occur to your minds without a more direct allusion. After stat¬ 
ing what he proposed, it was remarked that such a course might 
be offensive to the ultras of both parties, in the great excite¬ 
ment which then existed. To this Mr. Clay replied,—“I trust 
the sentiments and opinions are correct; I HAD RATHER 
BE RIGHT THAN BE PRESIDENT.” 

Such sentiments as these, indicate the loftiness'of the man, 
and the high purposes of his soul; and they should call forth the 
admiration and confidence of the nation. They point to him as 
“ the most worthy” to wield her destinies. I avow myself there¬ 
fore, for Henry Clay. I will not say I believe the Whigs will 
be defeated unless they rally as one man, in a solid phalanx 
around him and their principles—I know it; it is inevitable. 
But if they do thus rally, their triumph is certain. May it be 
my lot to congratulate you hereafter on your victory, rather 
than condole with you and mourn with the country on your de¬ 
feat. 


